WASHINGTON (AP) — The White House, under political pressure to respond forcefully to the Sept. 11 attack on the U.S. Consulate in Benghazi, is readying strike forces and drones but first has to find a target.
And
if the administration does find a target, officials say it still has to
weigh whether the short-term payoff of exacting retribution on al-Qaida
is worth the risk that such strikes could elevate the group's profile
in the region, alienate governments the U.S. needs to fight the group in
the future and do little to slow the growing terror threat in North
Africa.
Details on the
administration's position and on its search for a possible target were
provided by three current and one former administration official, as
well as an analyst who was approached by the White House for help. All
four spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to
discuss the high-level debates publicly.
In
another effort to bolster Libyan security, the Pentagon and State
Department have been developing a plan to train and equip a special
operations force in Libya, according to a senior defense official.
The
efforts show the tension of the White House's need to demonstrate it is
responding forcefully to al-Qaida, balanced against its long-term plans
to develop relationships and trust with local governments and build a
permanent U.S. counterterrorist network in the region.
Vice
President Joe Biden pledged in his debate last week with Republican vice
presidential nominee Paul Ryan to find those responsible for the Sept.
11 attack on the U.S. Consulate in Benghazi that killed U.S. Ambassador
Chris Stevens and three others."We will find and bring to justice the men who did this," Biden said in response to a question about whether intelligence failures led to lax security around Stevens and the consulate. Referring back to the raid that killed Osama bin Laden last year, Biden said American counterterror policy should be, "if you do harm to America, we will track you to the gates of hell if need be."
The White House declined to comment on the debate over how best to respond to the Benghazi attack.
The attack has become an issue in the U.S. election season, with Republicans accusing the Obama administration of being slow to label the assault an act of terrorism and slow to strike back at those responsible. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said Monday night that the security of State Department operations was her responsibility.
The White
House is "aiming for a small pop, a flash in the pan, so as to be able
to say, 'Hey, we're doing something about it,'" said retired Air Force
Lt. Col. Rudy Attalah, the former Africa counterterrorism director for
Defense Department under President George W. Bush.
Attalah noted
that in 1998, after the embassy bombing in Nairobi, the Clinton
administration fired cruise missiles to take out a pharmaceutical
factory in Sudan that may have been producing chemical weapons for
al-Qaida."It was a way to say, 'Look, we did something,'" he said.
On the subject of developing a special operations
unit, U.S. officials received approval from Congress well before the
Benghazi attack to reprogram some funding in the budget that could be
used for the commando program in Libya. But the details are still being
discussed with the Libyans and also must get final approval from
Congress, according to the defense official, who spoke on condition of
anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss the matter publicly.
The initial cost is estimated at about $6.2 million.
The
defense official said U.S. leaders have recognized the need to train
Libyan commando forces, but details such as the size, mission and
composition of the forces are still being finalized.
A
Washington-based analyst with extensive experience in Africa said
administration officials have approached him for help in connecting the
dots to Mali,
whose northern half fell to al-Qaida-linked rebels this spring. They
wanted to know if he could suggest potential targets, which he says he
was not able to do.
"The civilian side is looking into doing
something and is running into a lot of pushback from the military side,"
the analyst said. "The resistance that is coming from the military side
is because the military has both worked in the region and trained in
the region. So they are more realistic."Islamists in the region are preparing for a reaction from the U.S.
"If America hits us, I promise you that we will multiply the Sept. 11 attack by 10," said Oumar Ould Hamaha, a spokesman for the Islamists in northern Mali, while denying that his group or al-Qaida fighters based in Mali played a role in the Benghazi attack.
Finding the militants who overwhelmed a small security force at the consulate isn't going to be easy.
The
key suspects are members of the Libyan militia group Ansar al-Shariah.
The group has denied responsibility, but eyewitnesses saw Ansar fighters
at the consulate, and U.S. intelligence intercepted phone calls after
the attack from Ansar fighters to leaders of al-Qaida in the Islamic
Maghreb, or AQIM, bragging about it. The affiliate's leaders are known
to be mostly in northern Mali, where they have seized a territory as
large as Texas following a coup in the country's capital. The Maghreb is
a region of northwest Africa that stretches from Libya to Mauritania.But U.S. investigators have only loosely linked "one or two names" to the attack, and they lack proof that it was planned ahead of time or that the local fighters had any help from the larger al-Qaida affiliate, officials say.
If that proof
is found, the White House must decide whether to ask Libyan security
forces to arrest the suspects with an eye to extraditing them to the
U.S. for trial or to simply target the suspects with U.S. covert action.
U.S.
officials say covert action is more likely. The FBI couldn't gain
access to the consulate until weeks after the attack, so it is unlikely
it will be able to build a strong criminal case. The U.S. is also leery
of trusting the arrest and questioning of the suspects to the fledgling
Libyan security forces and legal system still building after the
overthrow of Moammar Gadhafi in 2011.
The burden of proof for U.S. covert action is far lower, but action by the CIA or special operations forces
still requires a body of evidence that shows the suspect either took
part in the violence or presents a "continuing and persistent, imminent
threat" to U.S. targets, current and former officials said.
"If
the people who were targeted were themselves directly complicit in this
attack or directly affiliated with a group strongly implicated in the
attack, then you can make an argument of imminence of threat," said
Robert Grenier, former director of the CIA's Counterterrorism Center.But if the U.S. acts alone to target them in Africa, "it raises all kinds of sovereignty issues ... and makes people very uncomfortable," said Grenier, who has criticized the CIA's heavy use of drones in Pakistan without that government's support.
Even
a strike that happens with permission could prove problematic,
especially in Libya or Mali, where al-Qaida supporters are currently
based. Both countries have fragile, interim governments that could lose
popular support if they are seen allowing the U.S. unfettered access to
hunt al-Qaida.
The Libyan government is so wary of the U.S.
investigation expanding into unilateral action that it refused requests
to arm the drones now being flown over Libya. Libyan officials have
complained publicly that they were unaware of how large the U.S.
intelligence presence was in Benghazi until a couple of dozen U.S.
officials showed up at the airport after the attack, waiting to be
evacuated — roughly twice the number of U.S. staff the Libyans thought
were there. A number of those waiting to be evacuated worked for U.S.
intelligence, according to two American officials.
In
Mali, U.S. officials have urged the government to allow special
operations trainers to return, to work with Mali's forces to push
al-Qaida out of that country's northern area. AQIM is among the groups
that filled the power vacuum after a coup by rebellious Malian forces in
March.
U.S. special
operations forces trainers left Mali just days after the coup. While
such trainers have not been invited to return, the U.S. has expanded its
intelligence effort on Mali, focusing satellite and spy flights over
the contested northern region to track and map the militant groups vying
for control of the territory, officials say.
___
Callimachi reported from Bamako, Mali. Associated Press writer Lolita C. Baldor contributed to this report.
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